Ford Foundation

Ford Foundation HQ jeh (link)


Tax ID:


Tax-Exempt Status:


Budget (2020):

Revenue: $652,006,894
Expenses: $1,114,835,564
Assets: $17,808,777,548




Darren Walker

President's Compensation:

Compensation: $714,200

Contributions to Employee Benefits Plans: $100,820

Expense Accounts and Allowances: $10,176

Contact InfluenceWatch with suggested edits or tips for additional profiles.

The Ford Foundation was, for much of its history, the largest foundation in the United States, though it has been passed in recent years. As of December 2014, it possessed assets of $12.5 billion.1  The foundation has been a major force in American culture and, because of its size, has given a great deal of money to left-wing and center-left organizations since its founding.

More than any other foundation, the Ford Foundation in the 1960s created the notion of the action-oriented foundation dedicated to addressing major social problems. “When the Ford Foundation flowered into an activist, ‘socially conscious’ philanthropy in the 1960s,” notes Manhattan Institute fellow Heather Mac Donald, “it sparked the key revolution in the foundation worldview:  the idea that foundations were to improve the lot of mankind not by building lasting institutions but by challenging existing ones.”2

In 2016, the Ford Foundation announced that it was undergoing a dramatic reorganization. It announced that its grantmaking would be in seven areas: civic engagement and government, free expression and creativity, equitable development, gender, racial, and ethnic justice, inclusive economies, Internet freedom, and youth opportunity and learning.3

Early History

The Ford Foundation was created in January 1936 as a response to the Revenue Act of 1935, which imposed estate taxes of 70 percent on estates of over $50 million. Because the Ford Motor Company was a family-held business, in which Henry Ford and his son Edsel held, between them, 96.9 percent of Ford stock, it was particularly vulnerable to high estate taxes, which could force the family to sell Ford Motor shares to retain family control. In 1935, Sen. Arthur Vandenberg (R-Michigan), said, “There need be no speculation as to what will happen to the great Ford industrial enterprise under this proposed tax confiscation. It will be driven into diversified ownership, which can come only through enormous stock sales to the public.”4

The Ford Foundation was created to preserve family control of Ford Motor. The car company’s shares were divided into two classes: non-voting Class A stock, which amounted to 95 percent of all stock, and voting Class B stock, which accounted for the remaining five percent. The Class A stock would be willed to the Ford Foundation, while the Class B stock would be retained by the Ford family to ensure family control of Ford Motor Company.

The foundation stayed small until after Henry Ford’s death in 1947, after which, by the term of Ford’s will, the foundation was endowed with hundreds of millions in Ford stock.

Henry Ford, according to historian William Greenleaf, donated $37.6 million to charity during his lifetime, with his favorite causes being Greenfield Village and the Henry Ford Museum in Dearborn, Michigan and the Henry Ford Hospital (now the Henry Ford Health System) in Detroit.5 But in 1948, while Henry Ford’s will was still in probate, his grandson Henry Ford II signed a document stating that the Ford family would exercise no more influence on the foundation than any other board member would. In 1952 Henry Ford II told the Cox Committee, a House committee investigating foundations, that this decision was made because “this trust was so large that our family should not have control of it.”6

Henry Ford II regretted this decision for the rest of his life. He was chairman of the board of the Ford Foundation from 1948-1956, and a trustee until 1977, when he resigned over the foundation’s anti-capitalist drift. “In effect, the foundation is a creature of capitalism,” Ford wrote in his resignation letter, “a statement that, I’m sure, would be shocking to many professional staff people in the field of philanthropy . . . I’m just suggesting to the trustees and the staff that the system that makes the foundation possible is very much worth preserving.”7

The Ford Foundation, freed from any restrictions on how its vast wealth should be spent, has gone through several phases in its spending. In 1956, after sales of Ford Motor stock added $550 million to its endowment, the foundation awarded $198 million to private hospitals, $90 million to private medical schools, and $260 million to private liberal arts colleges to raise faculty salaries. “The purpose of the huge giveaway was unabashedly political,” note historians Leonard Silk and Mark Silk. “The hospital grants were deliberately arranged so that there would be some Ford money flowing into every Congressional district.”8

Activism and the Bundy Era

The Ford Foundation became more activist beginning in the late 1950s. The trend accelerated during the tenure of former Kennedy and Johnson administration National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy, who served as Ford Foundation president between 1966 and 1979.

The Gray Areas Program (1959-1965)

Seeking to reduce poverty in what Ford Foundation program officer and future Johnson administration official Paul Ylvisaker called the “gray area” between central business district and suburb, the Ford Foundation funded inner city poverty-fighting programs from 1960 onwards. A review of Gray Areas programs by Peter Marria and Martin Rein commissioned by Ford and published in 1973 found that most were modestly successful, although Ford’s programs in Philadelphia never got off the ground and the ones in New York directly subsidized militancy against landlords and other businesses.9  The program’s lasting result, however, was in inspiring the Johnson administration’s War On Poverty, with Ford Foundation program officers frequently consulting with Johnson administration planners on programs that could be devised.10  In Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding, the late U.S. Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.) credits the Gray Areas program with being the intellectual inspiration for the Job Corps, Head Start, and Volunteers in Service to America (now part of AmeriCorps).11

Population Control

Ford frequently collaborated with the Rockefeller Foundation, both in funding population-control programs and in lobbying for more money on population control after these programs were taken over by national and international agencies from 1965 onwards. The best estimates are that Ford spent $150 million on birth control programs between 1958-1983, with funding peaking at $25 million in 1969.12

Ford money created the “public interest” law movement, with tens of millions going to organizations supporting minorities (such as the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund or MALDEF) as well as environmental legal groups such as the Environmental Defense Fund and Earthjustice. Cato Institute fellow Walter Olson refers to Ford as “the Johnny Appleseed of litigation liberalism” and notes that funding activist lawyers has been a key theme of Ford’s grantmaking for decades.13

For over half a century, the Ford Foundation has operated behind the scenes to flip American law schools into operatives of 1960s-style “social change.” Other large organizations like Carnegie, Open Society, and MacArthur have followed the Ford Foundation’s path, and the result can be seen in landmark Supreme Court decisions, the abundance of politicized “legal clinics” across college universities, and the courts’ growing willingness to defer to “international law.”14 15

School Choice

Ford grants in 1967-68 of $334,00016 encouraged the Ocean Hill-Brownsville school district in New York City and two other districts to implement “community control,” where parents in the district were given more power over local schools. Unfortunately, the mostly African-American parents in Ocean Hill-Brownsville wanted the power to fire members of the United Federation of Teachers, who were mostly white. Every time the parents’ council tried to “fire” teachers, the teachers struck, the third time for five weeks. Ultimately, in November 1968, Mayor John Lindsay (R, later D) abolished the parental councils. But the result was that UFT president Albert Shanker, who became president of the American Federation of Teachers, was an implacable foe of school choice for the next 30 years.17

After the Patman Committee

The “community control” debacle and other political excesses led to an investigation of Ford and other foundations by an investigative committee of the House of Representatives in February 1969 led by Rep. Wright Patman (D-Texas). The Senate (but not the House) passed a bill calling for an elimination of most of the ability of foundations to fund political activity as well as a 40-year term limit on foundations. Washington Post reporters Laurence Stern and Richard Harwood noted that under the Senate’s proposal, “perhaps 70 percent of Ford’s present activities in the field of  ‘national affairs’ and ‘social development’ would be outlawed, leaving the foundation little to do with its wealth but hand it out to symphony orchestras, Community Chests, and Ivy League colleges.”18

The Tax Reform Act of 1969 ultimately imposed a payout requirement on foundations and some restrictions on foundation support of political activity. Responding to the changes, the Ford Foundation shifted from funding large-scale welfare reform programs to smaller ones. It was a leading advocate of “individual development accounts,” which encourage low-income households to save by matching funds saved by families below a given income threshold. Ford intended to use this program as a pilot scheme for a universal, government-funded child allowance.19

Activities Since the Mid-1990s

As conservative organizations began to win victories restricting the application of affirmative action programs, the Ford Foundation invested heavily in efforts to defend them. Among its grantees were the Regents of the University of Michigan, the Mexican American Legal Defense Education Fund, and the NAACP Legal and Defense Fund. These grantees used Ford funds (including some grants of over $5 million) to successfully block efforts to check the growth of affirmative action in Michigan and other states, hold many conferences where activists could network with each other, and conduct campaigns against nominees of the George W. Bush administration to district and circuit courts. One Ford-opposed nominee was William H. Pryor Jr., widely reported to be one of President Donald Trump’s finalists for the Supreme Court vacancy ultimately filled by Justice Neil Gorsuch.20

Internationally, the Ford Foundation’s largest effort at the turn of the century was the International Fellowships Program, which received $420 million in Ford Foundation money between 2001 and 2013, when it ceased operations.

Ford also supported the World Conference Against Racism, providing grants for several organizations to attend this conference. The conference, held in Durban, South Africa in August and September 2001, is best known for a debate over a clause that equated Zionism with racism.21 Although this clause was ultimately removed from the final declaration, both the American and the Israeli governments formally withdrew their delegations. Conservative commentator George Will referred to the conference as “a United Nations orgy of hate directed at Israel and the U.S.”22

The Ford Foundation continued its grants to abortion rights groups, with substantial grants given in the 2000-04 period to Catholics for a Free Choice (now Catholics for Choice), the International Planned Parenthood Federation, and the International Women’s Health Coalition.23

Decline Under Ubinas

In 2007, Luis A. Ubinas became Ford Foundation president. Ubinas, formerly a consultant with McKinsey and Company, was best known for offering buyouts to 30 percent of the foundation’s staff after the foundation’s endowment plunged from $12 billion in 2007 to $9.5 billion in 2010.24  He resigned in 2013, with his six-year tenure the shortest of any Ford Foundation president since the 1950s.

“He didn’t exercise the muscle that someone at Ford might have,” Georgetown University Public Policy Institute senior fellow Pablo Eisenberg told the Chronicle of Philanthropy. “One wondered what his vision of philanthropy and of activism was.”25

New Leadership and Expansion

Ubinas’s successor, Darren Walker, came to Ford as its tenth president in 2013 with a very clear vision of what he wanted the Ford Foundation to become. Walker’s resume includes time as a trader at UBS, a program office and president of the Abyssinian Development Corporation, which promotes development in Harlem; a program officer at the Rockefeller Foundation; and a Ford Foundation vice president.26

Walker’s first task was to reach out to the city of Detroit. In 2013, the foundation announced that it would donate $125 million over 15 years to bolster the city’s pension fund as the lead donor with other foundations, including the Kresge, Charles Stewart Mott, and Knight foundations. This money, matched by the state of Michigan, ultimately amounted to over $800 million. In return, the city agreed to turn over the Detroit Institute of Arts to a nonprofit and not sell any of the art.

“Our money was made in Detroit,” Walker told Quicken Loans billionaire Dan Gilbert in a 2016 interview at the Detroit Institute of Arts. “We owe this city. It wasn’t a hard decision.”27

Hudson Institute fellow William Schambra warned in a 2014 Chronicle of Philanthropy opinion piece that the deal could set a dangerous precedent. “Some of America’s leading foundations are now deeply engaged in Detroit politics, ‘giving’ and ‘taking’ like any municipal power broker,” Schambra wrote, “meeting requests they never before would have considered, and making demands they never would have dared. Although they deny they are setting precedents, they clearly are. They may live to regret them.”28

The foundation continued to fund some of its long-time donors. The foundation devoted tens of millions of dollars to organizations supporting President Barack Obama’s choice for Supreme Court, Judge Merrick Garland, after the death of Justice Antonin Scalia. These groups included the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights (which had received over $11 million in Ford Foundation grants since 2000), Alliance for Justice (with over $4 million in Ford grants) and People for the American Way.29

Inequality Mission

In 2015, the foundation announced a radical re-orientation to focus towards ways of reducing inequality. The foundation declared that it would focus its grantmaking on seven areas, including civic engagement, Internet freedom, and inclusive economics. Walker wrote that “Philanthropy is commendable, but it must not cause the philanthropist to overlook the circumstances of economic injustice which make philanthropy necessary.”30

As part of this refocus, the Ford Foundation announced in 2016 that it would lead a six-year effort to raise $100 million for the Movement for Black Lives, an organization designed to receive grants for groups involved in the Black Lives Matter movement. Allies of the Ford Foundation in this effort are the foundations associated with liberal billionaire George Soros, the NoVo Foundation, and the Hill-Snowden Foundation.31

Former hedge-fund manager Andy Kessler commented in the Wall Street Journal that the six new areas of Ford Foundation giving that “none are productive, none drive profits and none will achieve the huge leaps in public welfare that Henry Ford pulled off long ago,” when he enabled millions of Americans to buy and drive cars for the first time. “If the Ford or Clinton foundations really wanted to help society, they’d work on lowering barriers to business formation and cutting the regulatory chains that inhibit productive hiring in the U.S. and globally,” Kessler wrote. “But what fun is that?  Better to boast about reducing inequality, public welfare be damned.”32

Funding Protests

The foundation has funded organizations closely associated with violent activists, such as the Southern Vision Alliance, which has ties to Charlotte Uprising, a group that led protests at the 2020 Republican National Convention where police officers were assaulted. 333435 The foundation has also given financial support to Dream Defenders, a group that practices various forms of disruptive protesting such as blockading bridges and threatening to incite civil unrest. 3637 Additionally, the foundation has donated to the Southern Coalition for Social Justice, a legal group that defends violent activists. 38

Biden Community Violence Intervention Collaborative

In June 2021, the Biden administration announced a program to combat rising gun violence and violent crime using a collaborative composed of government and nonprofit organizations funding community violence intervention (CVI) measures. The Ford Foundation was reported to be a funder of the collaborative, along with California Endowment, the Annie E. Casey Foundation, the Joyce Foundation, and the Kellogg Foundation. Other foundations funding the initiative include the Kresge Foundation, the MacArthur Foundation, Arnold Ventures, the Emerson Collective, the Heising-Simons Foundation, George Soros’ Open Society Foundations, and the Charles and Lynn Schusterman Family Philanthropies. CVI strategies “act as an alternative to heavy-handed policing” by focusing its efforts on the minority of citizens who are perpetrators or targets of violent crime. CVI treats violence as a communicable disease rather than a violent crime and attempts to stop the “spread” of violence. 39


Support for Forced Sterilization in India

According to the left-wing website Vox, Ford Foundation official Douglas Ensminger created large-scale sterilization programs in India, offering vasectomies to millions to halt population growth. In 1975, under influence from the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi used emergency powers to appoint herself a virtual dictator of the country and declared a national emergency to implement a large-scale compulsory sterilization program, imprisoning dissenters. 40 This event, now known as The Emergency, was celebrated at the time by former president of the World Bank Robert McNamara: “At long last, India is moving to effectively address its population problem.” 41


  1. Ford Foundation, Return of Private Foundation (Form 990-PF), 2014
  2. Heather Mac Donald, “The Billions of Dollars That Made Things Worse,” City Journal, Autumn 1996,
  3. “Challenging inequality,”
  4. William Greenleaf, From These Beginnings:  The Early Philanthropy of Henry and Edsel Ford, 1911-1936 (Detroit:  Wayne State University Press, 1964), 185.
  5. William Greenleaf, From These Beginnings:  The Early Philanthropy of Henry and Edsel Ford, 1911-1936, 7.
  6. Martin Morse Wooster, The Great Philanthropists and the Problem of ‘Donor Intent,’ third edition (Washington, D.C.:  Capital Research Center, 2007), 34.
  7. Wooster, The Great Philanthropists and the Problem of ‘Donor Intent.’ 44.
  8. Leonard Silk and Mark Silk, The American Establishment (New York:  Basic Books, 1980), 145.
  9. Peter Marria and Martin Rein,  Dilemmas of Social Reform:  Poverty and Community Action in the United States, revised edition (Chicago: Aldine, 1973) 
  10. Michael L. Gillette, Launching the War on Poverty:  An Oral History (New York:  Twayne/Prentice Hall, 1996), 19
  11. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding:  Community Action in the War on Poverty (New York:  Abbeville/Free Press, 1969), 56-57. For an analysis of the program, see Martin Morse Wooster, Great Philanthropic Mistakes, second edition (Washington:  Hudson Institute, 2010), 96-113.
  12. Roy Hertz, “A Quest for Better Contraception:  The Ford Foundation’s Contribution to Reproductive Science and Contraceptive Development, 1959-1983,” Contraception, February 1984. See also Martin Morse Wooster, Great Philanthropic Mistakes, second edition (Washington:  Hudson Institute, 2010), 68-95.
  13. Walter Olson, “The Ford Foundation:  Shaping America’s Laws by Remaking Her Law Schools,” Foundation Watch, July 2013, excerpted from Walter Olson, Schools for Misrule:  Legal Academia and an Overlawyered America (New York:  Encounter, 2011).
  14. “A Legacy of Social Justice.” Ford Foundation. Accessed April 06, 2018.
  15. Valdez, A. López. “Developing the Role of Law in Social Change: Past Endeavors and Future Opportunities in Latin America and the Caribbean.” University of Miami Inter-Law Review, February 1, 1975, 7. Accessed April 6, 2018.
  16. An additional $942,260 was given to Queens College’s Institute for Contemporary Studies to analyze the project.
  17. Martin Morse Wooster, Great Philanthropic Mistakes, second edition (Washington:  Hudson Institute, 2010), 144-162. See also Vincent J. Cannato, The Ungovernable City:  John Lindsay and His Struggle to Save New York (New York:  Basic Books, 2001).
  18. Laurence Stern and Richard Harwood, “Ford Foundation:  Its Works Spark a Backlash,” Washington Post, November 2, 1969.
  19. Martin Morse Wooster, “The Ford Foundation:  It Keeps a  Low Profile, But Funds Gvernment Entitlements, Racial Preferences, Legal Activists,” Foundation Watch, October 2003, http://www.capitalresearch/org/article/the-ford-foundation-it-keeps-a-low-profile-but-funds-government-entitlements-racial-preferences-legal-activists/
  20. Kimberly Kindy, “William H. Pryor, Jr.:  Singular In Political Experience and Polarizing Power,” Washington Post, January 31, 2017.
  21. Martin Morse Wooster, “The Ford Foundation’s International Agenda:  Supports Palestinian, Feminist, and Population Control Groups,” Foundation Watch, October 2004
  22. George F. Will, “Israel Should Expel Arafat and His Thugocracy.” Baltimore Sun, December 5, 2001.
  23. Martin Morse Wooster, “The Ford Foundation’s International Agenda:  Supports Palestinian, Feminist, and Population Control Groups,” Foundation Watch, October 2004
  24. Ian Wilhelm, “Ford Foundation Offers Buyouts to One-Third of Employees,” Chronicle of Philanthropy, June 10, 2009,
  25. Caroline Preston, “Ford Foundation Head Leaves Behind Legacy of New Grant Programs But Few Bold Strokes,” Chronicle of Philanthropy, March 14, 2013.
  26. Larissa MacFarquhar, “What Money Can Buy,” New Yorker, January 4, 2016
  27. Mary Kramer, “Interviewer Gilbert Helps Complete Circle of Ford’s Detroit Connection,” Crain’s Detroit Business, July 4, 2016.
  28. William Schambra, “Foundations Offering to Bail Out Detroit May Regret Their Decision,” Chronicle of Philanthropy, January 24, 2014  
  29. Fred Lucas, “Seizing the Supreme Court,” Foundation Watch, July 2016
  30. David Gelles, “Major Foundations, Eager for Big Change, Aim High,” New York Times, November 8, 2015.
  31. Valerie Richardson, “Black Lives Matter Cashes $100 Million Foundation Check,” Washington Times, August 16, 2016
  32. Andy Kessler, “The Capitalist as the Ultimate Philanthropist,” Wall Street Journal, June 25, 2015.
  33. Ford Foundation. “Grants Database: Southern Vision Alliance.” Accessed September 30, 2020.
  34. Southern Vision Alliance, May 2017-May 2018 Annual Report, accessed September 30, 2020,
  35. Ablon, Matthew. “Charlotte police: officers assaulted, multiple protesters arrested in uptown demonstration.” FOX Carolina, August 21, 2020.
  36. Newby, Jake. “Pensacola protests: Dream Defenders block traffic on Pensacola Bay Bridge, confront mayor.” Pensacola News Journal, June 6, 2020.
  37. “Dream Defenders Protest Miami Worldcenter.” WLRN, July 10, 2015.
  38. Rachmuth, Sloan. “Foundation With Biden Campaign Ties Funding Leftist Agitators On U.S. Streets.” The Federalist, August 31, 2020.
  39. Rojc, Philip. “Backing Up Biden: Grantmakers Get Behind a New Federal Anti-Violence Collaborative.” Inside Philanthropy. Inside Philanthropy, July 6, 2021.
  40. Matthews, Dylan, and Byrd Pinkerton. “”The Time of Vasectomy”: How American Foundations Fueled a Terrible Atrocity in India.” Vox. June 05, 2019. Accessed June 12, 2019.
  41. Mann, Charles C. “The Book That Incited a Worldwide Fear of Overpopulation.” January 01, 2018. Accessed June 12, 2019.

Directors, Employees & Supporters

  1. Janet Maughan
    Former Program Officer
  2. Darren Walker
    President and Trustee
  3. Surina Khan
    Former Director of Democracy Rights and Justice Program
  4. Thomasina Williams
    Former Programs Officer
  5. Mallika Dutt
    Former Program Officer, New Delhi Office
  6. Emmett Carson
    Former Program Leader
  7. Eric Ward
    Former Program Officer
  8. Mai-Anh Tran
    Chief Financial Officer
  9. Helena Huang
    Program Officer for the Art for Justice Fund
  10. Ethan Frey
    Program Manager, Civic Engagement and Government
  11. Cristobal Alex
    Former Employee
  12. Don Chen
    Former Program Director
  13. Geri Mannion
    Former Consultant (1987-1990)
  14. Jee Kim
    Former Program Officer
  15. Maya Harris
    Former Vice President for Democracy, Rights and Justice
  16. Michele Lord
    Former Consultant
  17. Taryn Higashi
    Former Program Officer, Immigration (1997-2008)
  18. Joyce Malombe
    Former Program Staffer
  19. Calvin Sims
    Former Employee

Donation Recipients

  1. 20/20 Vision Education Fund (Non-profit)
  2. We Are America Alliance (WAAA) (Non-profit)
  3. ABA Fund for Justice and Education (Non-profit)
  4. Action Center on Race & the Economy Institute (Non-profit)
  5. ADC Research Institute (ADCRI) (Non-profit)
  6. Advancement Project (Non-profit)
  7. Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ) (Non-profit)
  8. Alliance for Housing Justice (Non-profit)
  9. Alliance for Justice (AFJ) (Non-profit)
  10. Alliance for Open Society International (Open Society Institute Baltimore) (Non-profit)
  11. Alliance for Safety and Justice (Non-profit)
  12. America Abroad Media (AAM) (Non-profit)
  13. American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) (Non-profit)
  14. American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Foundation (Non-profit)
  15. American Council on Education (Non-profit)
  16. American Economic Liberties Project (Non-profit)
  17. American Immigration Council (AIC) (Non-profit)
  18. American Prospect (Non-profit)
  19. America’s Voice Education Fund (Non-profit)
  20. Amnesty International USA (AIUSA) (Non-profit)
  21. Anti-Recidivism Coalition (ARC) (Non-profit)
  22. Arab Community Center for Economic and Social Services (ACCESS) (Non-profit)
  23. Arise Citizens’ Policy Project (Non-profit)
  24. As You Sow (Non-profit)
  25. Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) Civic Engagement Fund (Non-profit)
  26. Astraea Lesbian Foundation for Justice (Non-profit)
  27. Aubin Pictures (Non-profit)
  28. Auburn Seminary (Non-profit)
  29. Avina Americas (Non-profit)
  30. Ballot Initiative Strategy Center Foundation (Non-profit)
  31. Black Youth Vote! (BYV!) (Other Group)
  32. Breakthrough (Non-profit)
  33. Brookings Institution (Non-profit)
  34. By Any Means Necessary (BAMN) (Other Group)
  35. California Budget and Policy Center (Non-profit)
  36. Californians for Justice Education Fund (Non-profit)
  37. Californians for Safety and Justice (Non-profit)
  38. Campaign Legal Center (Non-profit)
  39. CASA de Maryland (Non-profit)
  40. Catholic Legal Immigration Network (CLINIC) (Non-profit)
  41. Catholics for Choice (Non-profit)
  42. Citizen Engagement Lab (CEL) Education Fund (Non-profit)
  43. Center for American Progress (CAP) (Non-profit)
  44. Center for Community Change (CCC) (Non-profit)
  45. Center for Democracy and Technology (CDT) (Non-profit)
  46. Center for Digital Democracy (Non-profit)
  47. Center for Economic and Policy Research (Non-profit)
  48. Center for Economic and Social Rights (Non-profit)
  49. Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) (Non-profit)
  50. Center for Media and Democracy (CMD) (Non-profit)
  51. Center for National Independence in Politics (Non-profit)
  52. Center for Popular Democracy (CPD) (Non-profit)
  53. Center for Public Integrity (Non-profit)
  54. Center for Public Interest Research (Non-profit)
  55. Center for Responsive Politics (Open Secrets) (Non-profit)
  56. Center for Rural Strategies (Non-profit)
  57. Center for the Study of Social Policy (Non-profit)
  58. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) (Non-profit)
  59. Center on Policy Initiatives (Non-profit)
  60. Century Foundation (Non-profit)
  61. Children’s Action Alliance (Non-profit)
  62. Children’s Defense Fund (Non-profit)
  63. Chinese Progressive Association (San Francisco) (Non-profit)
  64. Civic Hall Labs (Non-profit)
  65. Civil Marriage Collaborative (CMC) (Non-profit)
  66. Clergy and Laity United for Economic (CLUE) Justice (Non-profit)
  67. Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW) (Non-profit)
  68. Code for America (Non-profit)
  69. Colorado Organization for Latina Opportunity and Reproductive Rights (COLOR) (Non-profit)
  70. Columbia Journalism Review (Other Group)
  71. Common Cause Education Fund (Non-profit)
  72. Common Counsel Foundation (Non-profit)
  73. Communities for Just Schools Fund (Non-profit)
  74. Consortium for Educational Change (CEC) (Non-profit)
  75. Consumer Federation of America (Non-profit)
  76. Corporation for Public Broadcasting (Non-profit)
  77. CultureStrike (Other Group)
  78. #Cut50 (Non-profit)
  79. Data for Black Lives (Non-profit)
  80. Data & Society (Non-profit)
  81. Demand Progress Education Fund (Non-profit)
  82. Demos (Non-profit)
  83. Drum Major Institute (Non-profit)
  84. EarthRights International (ERI) (Non-profit)
  85. Economic Security Project (Non-profit)
  86. Education Law Center (Non-profit)
  87. Effective Voter Project (Non-profit)
  88. Electronic Privacy Information Center (Non-profit)
  89. Enroll America (Non-profit)
  90. Every Texan (Non-profit)
  91. Fair Immigration Reform Movement (FIRM) (Non-profit)
  92. FairVote (Non-profit)
  93. Families USA Foundation (Non-profit)
  94. Family Values @ Work (Non-profit)
  95. Firelight Media (Non-profit)
  96. Fiscal Policy Institute (Non-profit)
  97. Fledgling Fund (Non-profit)
  98. Florida Policy Institute (Non-profit)
  99. Foundation for National Progress (Non-profit)
  100. Four Freedoms Fund (Non-profit)
  101. Fractured Atlas Productions (Non-profit)
  102. Free Press (Non-profit)
  103. FSG (Non-profit)
  104. Fund for Constitutional Government (Non-profit)
  105. Fund for Global Human Rights (Non-profit)
  106. Fund for the City of New York (Non-profit)
  107. Funders for Justice (Other Group)
  108. Funders’ Network for Smart Growth and Livable Communities (Non-profit)
  109. Education Fund (Non-profit)
  110. Gamaliel Foundation (Non-profit)
  111. Gender Funders CoLab (Non-profit)
  112. German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) (Non-profit)
  113. Global Greengrants Fund (Non-profit)
  114. Global Impact Investing Network (Non-profit)
  115. Global Steering Group for Impact Investment (Other Group)
  116. Good Jobs First (Non-profit)
  117. Harmony Labs (Non-profit)
  118. Harry Potter Alliance (Non-profit)
  119. Highlander Research and Education Center (Non-profit)
  120. Hispanic Federation (Non-profit)
  121. Hope Enterprise Corporation (Non-profit)
  122. Human Rights Funders Network (Non-profit)
  123. Human Rights Watch (Non-profit)
  124. Institute for Local Self-Reliance (Non-profit)
  125. Institute for Policy Studies (Non-profit)
  126. Institute for the Future (IFTF) (Non-profit)
  127. Institute for Women’s Policy Research (Non-profit)
  128. Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (Non-profit)
  129. Intentional Endowments Network (IEN) (Non-profit)
  130. Interfaith Worker Justice (Non-profit)
  131. ISAIAH (Non-profit)
  132. Jobs With Justice (JWJ) (Non-profit)
  133. Jobs With Justice Education Fund (Non-profit)
  134. Kentucky Coalition (Non-profit)
  135. Keystone Research Center (KRC) (Non-profit)
  136. Kids Forward (Non-profit)
  137. Labor Community Strategy Center (Non-profit)
  138. Lambda Legal (Non-profit)
  139. Land is Life (Non-profit)
  140. Laundromat Project (Non-profit)
  141. Leadership Conference Education Fund (Non-profit)
  142. Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights (LCCHR) (Non-profit)
  143. League of Women Voters (LWV) (Non-profit)
  144. Legal Aid Society of New York (Non-profit)
  145. LGBTQ Poverty Initiative (Non-profit)
  146. Maine Center for Economic Policy (Non-profit)
  147. Make the Road New York (MRNY) (Non-profit)
  148. Mary Reynolds Babcock Foundation (Non-profit)
  149. Massachusetts Budget and Policy Center (Non-profit)
  150. Massachusetts Voter Education Network (MassVOTE) (Non-profit)
  151. Media Democracy Fund (MDF) (Non-profit)
  152. Media Matters for America (Non-profit)
  153. Movement Alliance Project (Non-profit)
  154. Michigan League for Public Policy (Non-profit)
  155. Minnesota Council of Nonprofits (Non-profit)
  156. Mississippi Center for Justice (Non-profit)
  157. MomsRising (Non-profit)
  158. Metropolitan Organizing Strategy Enabling Strength (MOSES) (Non-profit)
  159. Mountain Association for Community Economic Development (Non-profit)
  160. Movement Advancement Project (Non-profit)
  161. Movement Strategy Center (Non-profit)
  162. Ms. Foundation for Women (Non-profit)
  163. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) (Non-profit)
  164. NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF) (Non-profit)
  165. Narrative Initiative (Non-profit)
  166. National Center for Law and Economic Justice (Non-profit)
  167. National Coalition for Asian Pacific American Community Development (Non-profit)
  168. National Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty (Non-profit)
  169. National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy (Non-profit)
  170. National Congress of American Indians (Non-profit)
  171. National Congress of American Indians Fund (Non-profit)
  172. National Consumer Law Center (Non-profit)
  173. National Domestic Workers Alliance (NDWA) (Non-profit)
  174. National Employment Law Project (NELP) (Non-profit)
  175. National Fair Housing Alliance (Non-profit)
  176. National LGBTQ Task Force (Non-profit)
  177. National Housing Conference (Non-profit)
  178. National Immigrant Justice Center (NIJC) (Non-profit)
  179. National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers Guild (Non-profit)
  180. National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health (Non-profit)
  181. National Lawyers Guild Foundation (Non-profit)
  182. National Organization for Women (NOW) (Non-profit)
  183. National Partnership for Women and Families (NPWF) (Non-profit)
  184. National Public Radio (NPR) (Non-profit)
  185. National Urban League (Non-profit)
  186. National Women’s Law Center (Non-profit)
  187. Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) (Non-profit)
  188. NEA Foundation (Non-profit)
  189. NEO Philanthropy (Non-profit)
  190. New America (New America Foundation) (Non-profit)
  191. New Florida Majority Education Fund (Non-profit)
  192. New Israel Fund (Non-profit)
  193. New Jersey Institute for Social Justice (Non-profit)
  194. New Organizing Institute Education Fund (NOI Education Fund) (Non-profit)
  195. New Orleans Workers’ Center for Racial Justice (Non-profit)
  196. New Venture Fund (NVF) (Non-profit)
  197. New Virginia Majority Education Fund (Non-profit)
  198. New York Communities Organizing Fund (Non-profit)
  199. New York Foundation (Non-profit)
  200. Nonprofit VOTE (Non-profit)
  201. North Carolina Justice Center (Non-profit)
  202. North Star Fund (Non-profit)
  203. Opportunity Institute (Non-profit)
  204. Oregon Center for Public Policy (Non-profit)
  205. Ownership Works (Non-profit)
  206. Faith In Action (PICO National Network) (Non-profit)
  207. Pacifica Foundation (Non-profit)
  208. Participant (For-profit)
  209. Partnership for Public Service (Non-profit)
  210. Partnership for the Future of Learning (Non-profit)
  211. Partnership for Working Families (Non-profit)
  212. Pathfinder International (Non-profit)
  213. PBS Foundation (Non-profit)
  214. People for the American Way (PFAW) (Non-profit)
  215. People for the American Way (PFAW) Foundation (Non-profit)
  216. People’s Action Institute (Non-profit)
  217. Philanthropic Initiative for Racial Equity (Non-profit)
  218. Planned Parenthood Federation of America (PPFA) (Non-profit)
  219. Policy Matters Ohio (Non-profit)
  220. PolicyLink (Non-profit)
  221. Political Research Associates (PRA) (Non-profit)
  222. Population Council (Non-profit)
  223. Private Equity Stakeholder Project (Non-profit)
  224. Progress Michigan (Non-profit)
  225. Progressive Leadership Alliance of Nevada (Non-profit)
  226. Prosperity Now (formerly Corporation for Enterprise Development) (Non-profit)
  227. Proteus Fund (Non-profit)
  228. Public Advocates (Non-profit)
  229. Public Allies (Non-profit)
  230. Public Citizen (Non-profit)
  231. Public Interest Technology Infrastructure Fund (Non-profit)
  232. Public Knowledge (Non-profit)
  233. Race Forward (Applied Research Center) (Non-profit)
  234. Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice (RCRC) (Non-profit)
  235. Repairers of the Breach (Non-profit)
  236. Research Collaborative Fund (Non-profit)
  237. Resource Generation (Non-profit)
  238. ReThink Media (Non-profit)
  239. Rewire.News (formerly RH Reality Check) (Non-profit)
  240. Restaurant Opportunities Centers United (ROC) (Non-profit)
  241. Rockefeller Brothers Fund (Non-profit)
  242. Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors (Non-profit)
  243. Roosevelt Institute (Non-profit)
  244. SCOPE (Non-profit)
  245. SisterSong (Non-profit)
  246. Small Business Majority (Non-profit)
  247. Smart Growth America (Non-profit)
  248. Social Justice Fund Northwest (Non-profit)
  249. Solidago Foundation (Non-profit)
  250. Solutions Journalism Network (Non-profit)
  251. SourceWatch (Other Group)
  252. Southern Coalition for Social Justice (SCSJ) (Non-profit)
  253. Southerners on New Ground (Non-profit)
  254. State Innovation Exchange (SIX) (Non-profit)
  255. Sundance Institute (Non-profit)
  256. Surfrider Foundation (Non-profit)
  257. Swanee Hunt Alternatives (Non-profit)
  258. Tax Policy Center (TPC) (Other Group)
  259. Texas Fair Defense Project (Non-profit)
  260. The GroundTruth Project (Non-profit)
  261. TYPE Media Center (Non-profit)
  262. The Praxis Project (Non-profit)
  263. The Workers Lab (Non-profit)
  264. TSNE MissionWorks (Non-profit)
  265. Thousand Currents (Non-profit)
  266. Tides Center (Non-profit)
  267. Tides Foundation (Non-profit)
  268. Toniic Institute (Non-profit)
  269. Transit for Livable Communities (Move Minnesota) (Non-profit)
  270. Transparency and Accountability Initiative (TAI) (Non-profit)
  271. U.S. Human Rights Fund (Non-profit)
  272. U.S. Public Interest Research Group (US-PIRG) Education Fund (Non-profit)
  273. UnidosUS (formerly National Council of La Raza) (Non-profit)
  274. UnidosUS (formerly National Council of La Raza) Action Fund (Non-profit)
  275. UNITE-LA (Non-profit)
  276. University of Orange (Non-profit)
  277. Urban Institute (Non-profit)
  278. Urban Justice Center (Non-profit)
  279. USAction Education Fund (Non-profit)
  280. Vera Institute of Justice (VIJ) (Non-profit)
  281. Vermont Workers Center (Non-profit)
  282. Voices for Illinois Children (Non-profit)
  283. Voter Engagement Evaluation Project (VEEP) (Non-profit)
  284. RePower Fund (Wellstone Action Fund) (Non-profit)
  285. Western Organization of Resource Councils Education Project (Non-profit)
  286. Western States Center (Non-profit)
  287. Women’s Foundation of California (Non-profit)
  288. Workers Defense Project (Non-profit)
  289. Working America Education Fund (Non-profit)
  290. Working Partnerships USA (Non-profit)
  291. Youth First State Advocacy Fund (Non-profit)
  292. YouthBuild USA (Non-profit)
  293. ZeroDivide Foundation (Non-profit)
  See an error? Let us know!

Nonprofit Information

  • Accounting Period: December - November
  • Tax Exemption Received: September 1, 1960

  • Available Filings

    Period Form Type Total revenue Total functional expenses Total assets (EOY) Total liabilities (EOY) Unrelated business income? Total contributions Program service revenue Investment income Comp. of current officers, directors, etc. Form 990
    2020 Dec Form PF $652,006,894 $1,114,835,564 $17,808,777,548 $2,042,033,930 $0 $0 $0 $0
    2019 Dec Form PF $460,414,672 $665,707,679 $14,230,472,678 $970,898,663 $0 $0 $0 $0
    2015 Dec Form PF $486,701,562 $756,882,561 $12,114,003,861 $389,902,341 $0 $0 $0 $0 PDF
    2014 Dec Form PF $658,142,937 $665,679,476 $12,400,459,561 $305,365,645 $0 $0 $0 $0 PDF
    2013 Dec Form PF $689,997,536 $685,564,893 $12,148,416,659 $309,160,651 $0 $0 $0 $0 PDF
    2012 Dec Form PF $165,230,380 $157,868,598 $11,127,892,192 $330,844,236 $0 $0 $0 $0 PDF
    2012 Sep Form PF $453,789,109 $616,826,363 $10,984,720,250 $298,221,280 $0 $0 $0 $0 PDF
    2011 Sep Form PF $559,085,236 $564,371,235 $10,344,932,621 $301,352,951 $0 $0 $0 $0 PDF

    Additional Filings (PDFs)

    Ford Foundation

    320 E 43RD ST
    NEW YORK, NY 10017-4801