The Brookings Institution is an American think tank aligned with the political establishment which conducts research and policy analysis on foreign policy, metropolitan policies, and economics. The Institution has its main office in Washington, D.C. ¹

The Institution’s predecessor organization, the Institution for Government Research, was the first think tank in the United States. Since its founding in the early 20^th century, the Brookings Institution has been one of the most prominent and well-funded think tanks in the world. The University of Pennsylvania rated the Institution the most influential think tank from 2016 to 2018, though it was surpassed by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in 2019. ²

The Institution identifies as independent and non-partisan and has been associated with both sides of the political spectrum by media outlets. However, the Institution has been critical of President Donald Trump, ³ and its employees donate overwhelmingly to Democratic candidates. ⁴

History

In 1916, industrialist Robert Brookings founded the Institution for Government Research, the first private think tank in America. The Institution first gained acclaim when its economists helped President Warren Harding formulate legislation to create the US Bureau of the Budget. In 1922 and 1924, Brookings created two sister organizations to support the Institution’s work, the Institution of Economics and the Robert Brookings Graduate School of the Washington University in St. Louis. In 1927, Brookings merged the three organizations into the Brookings Institution. ⁵

Throughout the middle of the 20^th century, the Institution’s economists continued to work closely with government officials on a wide range of fiscal and foreign-policy issues. For instance, Leo Pavlofsky, the head of the Institution’s international studies department, helped design the United Nations and the Marshall Plan for the administration of President Franklin Roosevelt. And in the mid-1970s, Institution personnel successfully pushed for the creation of the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office. ⁵

In the 1980s and 1990s, the Institution’s policy priorities shifted more toward the domestic economy. Institution economists assisted in designing President Ronald Reagan’s tax policies culminating in the 1986 Tax Reform Act. In the 1990s, the Institution encouraged and designed policies to decentralize federal welfare programs back to states and localities. ⁵

After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the Institution shifted more of its policy emphasis to foreign policy, with many of its scholars After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the Institution shifted more of its policy emphasis to foreign policy, with many of its scholars supporting expansionist foreign policies. ⁶ In the 2010s, the Institution expanded its scope to support environmentalist policies. ⁵

Political Ideology

The Brookings Institution does not identify with any ideology but is often associated with identifications across the political spectrum. At different times, the New York Times has referred to the Institution as centrist, ⁷ conservative, ⁸ and liberal. ⁹ A 2005 study from the Quarterly Journal of Economics concluded the Institution was centrist. ¹⁰ Over 4,000 ratings from AllSides.com came to the same conclusion. ¹¹ The group has been identified as aligning with the broader political establishment. ¹²

The Brookings Institution claims to be committed to the principles of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI), having released demographic data on its board of trustees and employees every year since 2018. Brookings also claims to “prioritize diversity” at its in-person events, hosting “Racial Equity in Research” seminar series starting in 2021 on how it claims think tank policy scholars can “center and advance” racial equity in their work. ¹³

Brookings has alleged to have implemented DEI practices within its human resources (HR) and recruitment departments while holding “Heritage Months events.” The Institution also hosts affinity groups and training sessions led by employees to discuss DEI concepts, with its 2024 sessions covering  topics such as “equitable meeting practices, LGBTQ+ allyship, invisible disabilities in the workplace, and equity in data visualization.” ¹³

In June 2024, Brookings Metro launched Center for Community Uplift (CCU) to research DEI, hosting an event titled “Paths to Progress” with recording artist John Legend’s HUMANLEVEL (a project of the freeamerica nonprofit) on measuring diversity in homeownership, health care, education, and workforces. ¹³

Employee Political Contributions

As a 501(c)(3) public charity, the Brookings Institution is not legally permitted to give political campaign contributions or endorse candidates as an institution. However, employees and executives of the Institution have given over $850,000 to Democratic candidates since 1996, or 96% of the total federally reported contributions by people reporting Brookings as their employer. In the 2016 election cycle, Democrats received over $154,000 while Republicans received no disclosed contributions. ¹⁴ As of August 2020, in the 2020 election cycle, Brookings employees have given Democrats $113,000, with Presidential nominee Joe Biden (D-DE) receiving almost $36,000 and former presidential candidates Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), Pete Buttigieg, and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) each receiving under $5,000. Meanwhile, Republican candidates received $45 as a single reported donation to President Donald Trump ¹⁵

Leadership

As of January 2025, Cecilia Elena Rouse was the president of the Brookings Institution. From 2021 to 2023, she served as the chair of the Biden White House’s Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) while on public service leave from Princeton University, where she had worked since 1992. She also served as a member of the Council of Economic Advisers from 2009 to 2011 in the Obama administration and as Special Assistant to the President for the Clinton administration’s National Economic Council from 1998 to 1999. ¹⁶

Rouse worked as the dean of the Princeton School of Public and International Affairs from 2012 to 2021. She has worked as the co-editor of the Journal of Labor Economics and senior editor of The Future of Children, a policy journal published by Princeton and Brookings. She also sat on the editorial board of the American Economic Journal: Economic Policy and on the boards of the directors of the Council of Foreign Relations, MDRC, the National Bureau of Economic Research, and the University of Rhode Island. ¹⁶

Previous Brookings president John R. Allen was a retired military officer who was appointed by President Barack Obama to head the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL. He also spoke at the 2016 Democratic National Convention and endorsed Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton for president. ¹⁷

Previous executive vice president Ted Gayer worked in the administration of President George W. Bush. In 2003 and 2004, he served on the President’s Council of Economic Advisors. From 2007-2008, he was the deputy assistant secretary for Economic Policy at the Department of the Treasury. ¹⁸

Co-chair of the board Glenn Hutchins is a financier and was the director and chair of the Audit and Risk Committee of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York from 2011 to 2020. In 1992, he was on President Bill Clinton’s transition team and then served as a special advisor on economics and health care policy for two years. He also worked as the director of the Harvard Management Company for a decade and co-chairman of Harvard University’s capital campaign ^{19 20}

Co-chair of the board Suzanne Nora Johnson was the chair of the board of directors of Intuit and as a board member of Pfizer as of 2025. She is the former vice chairman of Goldman Sachs. As of 2025, she sat on the boards of the Broad Foundation, the Carnegie Institution for Science (former co-chair), the Markle Foundation (as chair), and the University of Southern California (as chair). She was previously a chair for several Global Agenda Councils for the World Economic Forum and was a Henry Crown Fellow at the Aspen Institute. In the 2016 election cycle, she contributed over $33,000 to Democratic candidates. ^{21 22}

Former vice president of strategy and operation Jennifer Berlin worked as a senior advisor to the Department of Defense under President Obama and President Trump from 2015-2017. Previously, she served as the acting director of public affairs of President Obama’s Department of Commerce. From 2007-2010, Berlin worked as Senator Jack Reed’s (D-RI) deputy press secretary. From 2005-2007, she worked as a program coordinator for the Council on Foreign Affairs, a centrist think tank²³

Amy Liu is a policy analyst, advisor to the Brookings president, and senior fellow who was the interim president of Brookings between Allen and Rouse. She had worked at the Institution for over 20 years. She was previously the vice president and director of the Metropolitan Policy Program. Prior, she worked as a special assistant in the Department of Housing and Urban Development in the Clinton administration. In 1996, she co-founded Brookings Metro, remaining the vice president and director of the program until 2022. In 2013, she served as a special advisor to the US Secretary of Commerce under President Obama. ²⁴

Trump Administrations

The Brookings Institution has been consistently critical of President Donald Trump’s administration. In 2016, shortly after Trump’s election, an Institution article stated, “for many whites, and especially for white men, a vote for Donald Trump was a cry of pain.” ²⁵ An October 2017 article made an early case for President Trump’s impeachment on the grounds of obstruction of justice. ²⁶ In March 2020, an Institution article declared Trump’s administration a “failed presidency” for his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. ²⁷ The Institution has also tracked the employment turnover rate in the White House, claiming in April 2020 that 85% of Trump’s initial presidential team had been fired. ²⁸

In September 2024, Brookings released a report claiming to show the economic impact of then-candidate Trump’s proposed deportation policies. It further claimed that deporting migrant workers, even illegal migrants, would negatively the U.S economy as their presence created demand for goods and services as well as more jobs within the country. ²⁹

In January 2025, Brookings released a commentary piece by its senior fellow Elaine Kamarck and FixGov blog managing editor Jordan Munchnick. The article seemingly criticized the second Trump Administration for its relations with businessman and SpaceX founder Elon Musk, whom it described as “the richest man in the world” and “sits close to the president and uses his powerful social media platform, X, to opine on everything from daylight savings time to visas for skilled workers.” ³⁰ The article further claimed that “multi-millionaires and billionaires” were “taking over American politics” both indirectly through campaign donations and directly by running for office themselves by including examples such as former North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum (R), former Democratic presidential candidates Tom Steyer and Michael Bloomberg, and former Republican presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy. ³¹

Financials

According to its 2022 990 form, the Brookings Institution reported revenue of $89,444,146, down from $119,341,951 in 2021. Its expenses in 2022 amounted to $98,831,178 and it reported $472,993,012 in net assets. ³²

According to its 2024 financial statements, Brookings Institution reported a revenue of $98,685,000, expenses of $100,052,000, and net assets of $487,840,000. ³³

Domestic Funding

In 2019, the Brookings Institution received over $102 million in revenue, over $78 million of which came from donations from a wide array of organizations. ³⁴

Among the Institution’s largest donors are the  Hewlett Foundation, Arnold Ventures, and the Hutchins Family Foundation, three left-of-center grantmaking foundations which each donated over $2 million in 2019 alone. The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, Ford Foundation, and Kresge Foundation, three of the largest private foundations in the United States and major supporter of left-wing causes, all gave between $1-2 million. The left-of-center Carnegie Corporation of New York, Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, and Annie E. Casey Foundation gave between $500,000 and $1 million, as did the libertarian Charles G. Koch Foundation. ³⁴

Left-of-center donors in the $250,000-$500,000 range include the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, McKnight Foundation, Omidyar Network Fund, Tides Center, and Walton Family Foundation, as well as former Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke ³⁴ (who is also a distinguished fellow at the Institution ³⁵). Left-of-center donors in the $100,000-$250,000 range include Democracy Fund, Joyce Foundation, New Venture Fund, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Rockefeller Foundation, and the Andrew H. and Ann R. Tisch Foundation. ³⁴

Foreign government funding

The Institution receives considerable funding from foreign governments, with eight government donors giving at least $100,000 in 2019. That year, the Institution received more than $2 million from the Embassy of Qatar, one of the organization’s largest long-term donors. The government of Norway gave the Institution between $500,000 and $1 million. Government donors in the $250,000-$500,000 range include the Australian government, the Japan International Cooperation Agency, Taiwan’s Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in the United States, and the Turkish Industry Business Association. Finally, the Japan Bank for International Cooperation and the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs both gave between $100,000 and $250,000. ³⁴

In January 2025, POLITICO published an article covering a new report from Think Tank Funding Tracker, a project of the Quincy Institute For Responsible Statecraft, on the amount of funding domestic U.S. think tanks received from both the U.S. government and foreign countries. ³⁶ While the Atlantic Council ranked first on the list of top foreign funding recipients, receiving $20,883,000 in funds from foreign governments since 2019, Brookings Institution came second, with $17,150,001. ³⁷ Brookings also ranked fourth on the list of think tanks that received the most funding from Pentagon contractors, receiving $3,475,000 since 2019, and as number nine on the list of think tanks that received the most funding from the U.S. government, receiving $1,820,002 since 2019. ³⁷

According to the report, Brookings received much of its foreign funding from the State of Qatar, with smaller contributions from Germany, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Its top Pentagon contractor patron was Northrop Grumman, followed by Mitsubishi, Lockheed Martin, RTX, and Airbus. The report also alleged that Brookings had chosen to grant anonymity to nine donors, together contributing almost $4 million in 2023. ³⁸

Brookings spokeswoman Jenny Lu Mallamo released a statement to Politico claiming “all its personnel are governed by robust policies on research independence,” and that “all work produced or published by Brookings represents the sole conclusions of its authors.” ³⁹ She additionally claimed that less than 10 percent of Brooking’s budget derived from foreign governments.  ³⁶

Criticisms

Government Funding

Forbes contributor Adam Andrzejewski has accused the Brookings Institution of soliciting federal funds in exchange for policy influence. From 2008 to 2017, the Institution earned $20 million in contracts from federal agencies. These contracts include $23,000 from President Obama’s Office of the President for employee training, $6,135 for individual fellowships from the Department of Veterans Affairs, and $50,000 for a two-day seminar. ⁴⁰

Andrzejewski also claimed to have found instances of the Institution supporting specific policies that benefit agencies after receiving funding from them. For instance, the Institute billed the US Agency for International Development (USAID) for $1.8 million, and later published a paper praising USAID’s foreign activity. ⁴⁰

Foreign Influence

In September 2014, the New York Times published a report alleging that foreign governments were buying influence at American think tanks which named the Brookings Institution as a major recipient of foreign funds alongside the Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Atlantic Council. The report cited some legal scholars who claimed that such funding ties violated the 1938 Foreign Agents Registration Act which requires groups paid by foreign governments that influence domestic policy to publicly register as foreign agents. ⁴¹

In 2007, the Institution opened a branch office in Doha, the capital of Qatar. In 2013, the government of Qatar agreed to make a $14.8 million donation to the Institution over four years. Though the terms of the donation were confidential, former Institution visiting fellow Saleem Ali claimed that the Institution strategically left out information on public reports which could hurt Qatari interests. ⁴¹

The Institution also received considerable donations from the government of Norway, which funneled $5 million into US policy influencers in 2013 in an attempt to boost American foreign aid. ⁴¹ Both the governments of Qatar and Norway have been big donors to the Institution ever since. In 2019, Qatar gave over $2 million and Norway gave between $500,000 and $1 million, according to the Institution’s annual report. ³⁴

According to a Washington Post report, between 2016 and 2018, the Institution received $300 thousand from FutureWei Technologies, an American subsidiary of Huawei, a Chinese tech giant with close ties to the Chinese Communist Party. In October 2017, the Institution published a report on smart city development which praised Huawei’s technology. ⁴²

Corporate Influence

In August 2016, the New York Times published an article critical of the influence of business interests on think tanks which singled out the Brookings Institution. In the early 2010s, the Institution received $400 thousand from the Lennar Corporation, one of the largest real estate development companies in the United States. Confidential emails would later reveal that the Institution promised Lennar “donation benefits,” including setting up connections with elected officials. The Institution even named a major Lennar executive as one of its senior fellows. Similar arrangements were formed between the Institution and other corporations, including JPMorgan Chase, K.K.R, Hitachi, and Microsoft. ⁴³

Associations with the “Steele Dossier”

During the 2016 Presidential election, interests associated with the Democratic Party and the campaign of Hillary Clinton commissioned Fusion GPS to conduct opposition research into Republican nominee Donald Trump; the most prominent product of that research was a private intelligence report of alleged illicit connections between President Trump and the Russian government compiled by former British MI6 officer Christopher Steele known as the “Steele Dossier.” ⁴⁴ In July 2020, the “primary subsource” for the Dossier was revealed to be Igor Danchenko, a Russian national, Ukrainian attorney, and former researcher at the Brookings Institution from 2005-2010. ⁴⁵

While working at the Institution, Danchenko was mentored by future Trump White House adviser Fiona Hill, who would later testify at President Trump’s impeachment proceedings. The two worked on “at least two” papers on American foreign policy toward Russia. With a different Brookings researcher, Clifford Gaddy, Danchenko also attempted to discover plagiarism in Russian Federation President Vladimir Putin’s doctoral dissertation. Earlier in 2015, Danchenko and Hill published a book titled Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin, which was praised by then-Vice President Joe Biden. ⁴⁶

In 2016, Hill reconnected with Steele, an old friend whom she praised as a “creative” and “highly accomplished” researcher. Eventually, Hill connected Danchenko with Steele, and the latter paid the former to use personal Russian sources to dig up dirt on President Trump. Meanwhile, Steele also connected with then-Institution president Strobe Talbot who shared his anti-Trump stance. Talbott sent a copy of Steele’s dossier to Hill. Talbott’s brother-in-law, Cody Shearer, was a former Clinton staffer who had assembled his own dossier in 2016 with several claims similar to those argued by Steele. Steele allegedly used a contact within the State Department to acquire a copy of the Shearer dossier and submit it to the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) to help corroborate his claims. ^{47 48}

Talbott reached out to Steele to offer direct advice on the dossier he was composing out of Danchenko’s information. It is not disclosed how much Danchenko was paid for the dossier, but Steele earned at least $168,000. ⁴⁶

After Trump’s victory in the 2016 presidential election, Talbott reportedly persuaded Hill to join the first Trump Administration to be “one of the adults in the room” in regard to Russia policy. She went on to serve as deputy assistant to the President and senior director for European and Russian Affairs on the National Security Council from 2017 to 2019. ⁴⁶

Shortly after Hill resigned from her position on the National Security Council in 2019, a Council detailee with whom she had worked, Eric Ciaramella, alleged to Democratic members of Congress that Trump had Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky investigate the foreign  business dealings of then-former Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter Biden in exchange for military support. Hill was called to testify in the impeachment hearings, telling Republican lawmakers she recalled Steele asking her to connect him with “some other individual” whom she had forgotten the name of. She also claimed to have forgotten what month she met Steele. Several Congressional staff had allegedly argued against Brookings’ role in the events, claiming how nonprofits cannot engage in lobbying or political campaigning. ⁴⁹

Danchenko’s sources for the dossier were eventually revealed to be, in the FBI’s words, a “social circle” of childhood friends with no connections to the Kremlin with whom Danchenko would “drink heavily” while gathering the supposed intelligence. ⁴⁷

In 2006, Danchenko was arrested in Fairfax, Virginia for drunken misconduct, with criminal records reporting  “public swearing and intoxication.” In March 2013, Danchenko was again arrested and charged with several misdemeanors including “drunk in public, disorderly conduct, and failure to have his [2-year-old] child in a safety seat” by federal authorities in Greenbelt, Maryland. ⁵⁰

He was later ordered to take substance abuse and mental health therapy after being released from jail. The prosecutor for the case, then-U.S. Attorney Rod Rosenstein, would go on to sign one of the wiretap warrants related to the dossier case for the FBI as deputy attorney general in 2017. While talking to the FBI, Danchenko and his lawyer bragged about Danchenko’s work to uncover Putin’s alleged academic plagiarism. However, the FBI allegedly failed to ask Danchenko about his substance abuse problem and his criminal charges during their interview with him in January 2017. The FBI agents that conducted the interview had allegedly done so after the bureau cited the dossier to receive warrants to spy on Trump campaign adviser Carter Page. ⁴⁶

Rosenstein also declined to object when Danchenko’s lawyer asked to postpone his trial and let him travel back to Moscow “as a condition of his employment,” referring to his work visa. After multiple trips, Danchenko entered a plea agreement and paid his fines. ⁴⁶

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