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In recent years, the Texas Observer has published a series of articles that publicly identify individuals whom it alleges are neo-Nazis, “white supremacists,” or supporters of other far-right causes. 2 3 4 These efforts, which have been characterized as “doxxing,” have included the disclosure of subjects’ names, hometowns, employers, and other sensitive information. 5 2
While it claims to “serve no group or party,” the Texas Observer’s journalism promotes an avowedly “progressive” left-of-center worldview. 1 Its coverage focuses heavily on issues aligned with the Democratic Party in Texas, including expanding immigration, labor unionism, government health care, civil rights, education, housing, criminal justice, and environmentalist policy. 1
The Observer’s Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) statement declares that the publication takes “an intersectional approach” to hiring, and its “About Us” page includes a land acknowledgement that refers to Texas as occupying “the unceded homelands of many Indigenous communities and nations, past and present.” 1
The Texas Observer was founded in 1954 by a group of roughly 150 wealthy Texas left-of-center donors who had purchased an existing newsletter, rebranded it as the Texas Observer, and recruited recently graduated University of Texas student newspaper editor Ronnie Dugger as its editor. 6 At the time, Dugger described Texas as “a backwater braggish and bigoted and brutal, slow and rich and poor.” 6
While it gained a measure of influence in Texas political circles over subsequent years, the paper struggled to maintain fiscal stability through advertising and subscriptions. 7 In 1994, Dugger transferred ownership of the Texas Observer to the Texas Democracy Foundation, a charitable nonprofit that had been created for that purpose. 8 At the time, the paper reportedly had a paid circulation of roughly 7,500 subscribers. 7
Left-of-center political columnist Molly Ivins got her start in commentary at the Texas Observer, which she joined in 1968 as the publication’s co-editor and political reporter. 9 Ivins left the Texas Observer in 1976 to join the New York Times, then returned to Texas in 1981 to write for the Dallas Times Herald and later the Dallas Observer, where she grew a national audience as a syndicated columnist. 9 Ivins, who had been a strong supporter of former Texas Governor Ann Richards (D-TX), would become best known nationally for her criticism of Texas Republican George W. Bush during his tenures as governor and U.S. president. 9 10
Ivins remained connected to the Texas Observer, joining the board of its parent Texas Democracy Foundation. 11 She was the foundation’s board president at the time of her death in 2007. 11 12
As of 2026, the editor-in-chief of the Texas Observer was Gus Bova, who joined the newsroom in 2016 as an intern. 13
As of 2026, the president of the Texas Democracy Foundation was Democratic Party activist and theologian Lize Burr. 8 Other notable board members at the time included Democracy Forward president and CEO Skye Perryman and senior campaign strategist for the Sentencing Project Bob Libal. 8
Texas Observer has run a series stories publishing the names, hometowns, employers, and other personal identifying information of persons whom it alleges are Nazis, white supremacists, or members of other right-coded extremist movements. 2 3 The subjects of this “doxxing” include both government employees and private individuals. 5 2 4
A 2024 story by reporters Steven Monacelli and Tristan Lee included the names and personal information, including employers and hometowns, of four alleged operators of what it described as “neo-Nazi” social media accounts. 5 Three of the people identified in the story were Texas residents. 5
In 2025, the Texas Observer published a story by Monacelli that purported to identify Dallas-based Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Assistant Chief Counsel James Rodden as the operator of what Monacelli characterized as a “white supremacist” account on X (formerly Twitter). 4
A 2026 story by Monacelli and Lee published the names and employers of individuals it alleged were members of Patriot Front, which it described as a neo-Nazi group. 14 The article’s reporting was based on a photo posted to social media of members of the organization performing volunteer disaster relief efforts, which the article described as “part of a broader strategy that extremism experts say is meant to launder the group’s image and recruit new members.” 14
In 2025, Monacelli was interviewed for a “Laura Flanders & Friends” public radio story titled “Doxxed, Stalked & Swatted: When The Far Right Goes After Journalists,” in which activists were criticized for publicizing journalists’ private information. 15
The Texas Observer is owned and operated by the 501(c)(3) Texas Democracy Foundation, which is supported by subscriptions and donations. 16 It claims to “avoid accepting donations from anonymous sources,” publicize all donors over $5,000, and reject donations that might create a conflict of interest. 1
Donors to the Texas Democracy Foundation have included the Rockefeller Family Fund, ACLU Foundation of Texas, Austin Community Foundation, Headliners Foundation of Texas, Fund for Constitutional Government, Fund for Investigative Journalism, Houston Jewish Community Foundation, Institute For Nonprofit News, RSF Social Finance, Miami Foundation, Silicon Valley Community Foundation, American Endowment Foundation, National Philanthropic Trust, Donor Advised Charitable Giving, and Fidelity Investments Charitable Gift Fund. 17
In 2024, the Texas Democracy Foundation reported $1,106,093 in revenue, $1,261,872 in expenses, and $30,419 in assets. 11