Person

Stokely Carmichael

Occupation:

Activist

Stokely Carmichael (later named Kwame True) was a radical socialist American civil rights activist who later became a black nationalist and separatist.

In 1966-67 he was the national chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). [1] Once an Alabama field organizer for the SNCC in charge of a successful African-American voter drive, and a participant in numerous civil rights demonstrations and acts of civil disobedience in the American South during the 1960s, he was arrested at least 32 times. [2] Originally a practitioner of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s policy of nonviolent resistance, Carmichael changed his mind about nonviolent resistance after—according to a History Channel profile—observing activists endure “repeated acts of violence and humiliation at the hands of white police officers without recourse.” [3] In Black Power, a 1967 book he co-authored, he wrote that “rampaging white mobs and white night-riders must be made to understand that their days of free head-whipping are over. Black people should and must fight back.” [4]

Carmichael’s primary ideological legacies are the related concepts of “institutional racism” and “black power.” Distinct from acts of individual racism, institutional racism was the belief that the institutions of society itself (such as the criminal justice system) would still impose racist results even after the individual white members of the society had ceased committing racist acts. As the proposed remedy for institutional racism, black power was the recommendation that African Americans build and participate in their own, separate, socio-economic institutions. Black power was particularly hostile to the American system of free enterprise, with Carmichael later stating that his book Black Power was written to promote the “anticapitalist position” that socialism was the only just economic system, destined to become “the world economic system.” [5]

His advocacy of black power became much more strident through 1967 and into 1968 (he told an audience in communist Cuba that “urban guerrillas” were being prepared for a “fight to the death” in American cities) and his relationship with the SNCC ended. [6] In early 1969 he permanently changed his residency to the West African nation of Guinea, aligning with the country’s longtime Marxist dictator Sekou Toure. [7] Stating that “America does not belong to the blacks,” he focused for the rest of his life on the cause of pan-African unity. [8] Months earlier in September 1968, an agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation had phoned Carmichael’s mother and relayed a false rumor that her son was the target of a murder plot; an FBI memo claimed credit when Carmichael left the United States for Africa the day after the call. [9] Carmichael died of prostate cancer in 1998 at the age of 57. [10]

Ideological Legacy

Carmichael’s ideological legacy is the fusion of two concepts – “black power” and “institutional racism” – and the infusion of them with socialism.  His thinking was formalized in Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, a 1967 book he co-authored with political scientist Charles V. Hamilton. Shortly after it was published, Carmichael began to apply his ideology to nations and regions beyond the United States – most notably in Africa, which became the focus of his work for the remainder of his life. [11] [12]

Institutional Racism

Carmichael (along with Hamilton) argued racism in America was a much larger problem than mere overt acts of violence or oppression against African Americans (what they referred to as “individual” racism), and that it also included problems with the nation’s socio-economic system. In one of several examples from Black Power, they wrote:[13]

“When white terrorists bomb a black church and kill five black children, that is an act of individual racism, widely deplored by most segments of the society. But when in that same city—Birmingham, Alabama—five hundred black babies die each year because of the lack of proper food, shelter and medical facilities, and thousands more are destroyed and maimed physically, emotionally and intellectually because of conditions of poverty and discrimination in the black community, that is a function of institutional racism.” [14]

Carmichael and Hamilton further argued the plight of African Americans was analogous to that of a subjugated colonial people being oppressed by an imperial power (i.e.: white Americans – the chapter in Black Power fleshing out the “institutional racism” theory is titled “White Power: The Colonial Situation”). They wrote that the white power structure in the United States collectively maintained its position by subcontracting “black elites” to provide the façade of representative leadership in African American communities, as did imperial powers in their colonies. [15]

Portraying white Americans as the beneficiary of these colonial-style inequalities (titled “institutional racism”) Carmichael and Hamilton theorized white America was irredeemably driven to keep African Americans as an inferior social class, even if surface-level overt legal and political racial discrimination were ended. As one example to prove this point, they cite the unequal status of African American soldiers during World War II, long after slavery had been abolished and African Americans were supposedly equal under the U.S. Constitution. Further emphasizing this point they wrote: “This country also saw fit to treat German prisoners of war more humanely than it treated its own black soldiers.” [16]

They believed institutional racism was so effective at perpetuating itself that it could deceive both the exploiters and the exploited: “The white society maintains an attitude of superiority and the black community has too often succumbed to it, thereby permitting the whites to believe in the correctness of their position.” [17]

At least a quarter-century later both men maintained their belief in institutional racism.

“The institutional racism defined then [in 1967] is still a prevalent part of American life,” wrote Hamilton in his “Afterward” section added to the 1992 re-issue of Black Power. “In fact, some might say, even more so than before.” He added that African Americans were still overrepresented in welfare rolls, jails, bad housing and crime victim statistics. [18]

In his commentary for the 1992 edition, Kwame True (a.k.a.: Carmichael) agreed, and referred to the United States as a “settler-colony.” [19]

Black Power

Because Carmichael and Hamilton believed white America could not and would not end this systemic infliction of economic and political inferiority, they proposed African Americans take it upon themselves to remedy it: “The time is long overdue for the black community to redefine itself, set forth new values and goals, and organize around them.” [20]

Black Power argued that advocating for full acceptance and participation for African Americans within the existing American socio-economic system (which had been the stated goal of civil rights reformers such as Martin Luther King, Jr.) would fail. “Before a group can enter the open society, it must first close ranks,” said the authors. “By this we mean that group solidarity is necessary before a group can operate effectively from a bargaining position of strength in a pluralistic society.” Because “black people have not suffered as individuals but as members of a group,” Black Power states that “their liberation lies in group action.” [21]

Writing about this point in 1992, Hamilton stated it had been misinterpreted as advocating black separatism: [22]

No, the call for Black Power in the 1960’s was not a call for racial isolation. Yes, it was an honest recognition that for any group—racial, ethnic, economic—to become a respected, effective player in the American political system, cohesive organization was crucial. This is hardly a lesson many other groups have overlooked or needed to be reminded of. And yet when blacks began applying the lesson to themselves they immediately were branded “separatists” and ill-advised activists who sought to “go it alone.” [23]

But even though the chapter in Black Power describing “group solidarity” alluded to it working for other American communities (Italians, Irish, Jews), the authors also said African Americans must reject “the goal of assimilation into middle-class America because the values of that class are in themselves anti-humanist and because that class as a social force perpetuates racism.” They further envisioned the end of the system itself: “We also reject the assumption that the basic institutions of this society must be preserved.” [24]

Black power ideology was particularly hostile to the American system of free enterprise. Carmichael and Hamilton proposed eliminating it and denounced middle class society for being rooted in “material aggrandizement, not the expansion of humanity.” They denounced its advocates for promoting a “free, competitive society, while at the same time forcefully and even viciously denying to black people as a group the opportunity to compete.” Instead, Black Power advocated a society based on the “dignity of man, not on the sanctity of property” or one of “free people” rather than “free enterprise.” Writing in 1992, Carmichael explicitly stated that Black Power was written to promote the “anticapitalist position” and that socialism was the only just economic system, destined to become “the world economic system.” [25]

Their theory of black power specifically rejected racial integration as counterproductive. Carmichael and Hamilton wrote it was “based on the assumption that there is nothing of value in the black community” and the “complete acceptance of the fact that in order to have a decent house or education, black people must move into a white neighborhood or send their children to a white school.” They denounced this as being a “subterfuge for the maintenance of white supremacy” because it created “among both black and white, the idea that “white” is automatically superior and “black” is by definition inferior.” Instead, they argued the “racial and cultural personality of the black community must be preserved and that community must win its freedom while preserving its cultural integrity.” [26]

Cooperation with left-of-center white allies was also criticized as ineffective. Writing in 1992, Carmichael asserted this claim from the 1967 book had been resoundingly vindicated:[27]

We showed integration as an insidious subterfuge for the maintenance of white supremacy. The Democratic Party today proves this dictum. Africans are more integrated into the Democratic Party today than ever before; they have more elected officials than any other ethnic group, yet they have no power at all in the Democratic Party! They represent powerless visibility. [28]

Background

Stokely Carmichael was born in Trinidad in 1941, emigrated with his parents to New York City in 1952, and in 1954—at the age of 13—became a naturalized American citizen. His exceptional scores on the admissions test won him a spot at the highly selective Bronx High School of Science, where he attended classes and socialized with mostly white and wealthy students. According to a History Channel profile, he “was popular among his new classmates; he attended parties frequently and dated white girls,” but was “highly conscious of the racial differences that divided him from his classmates,” later telling a biographer “how phony they all were” and that he hated himself for pretending otherwise. [29]

As a young adolescent he was the only African American member of local street gang and described himself during this era as “a wild, aggressive boy, boozing it up and getting a kick out of petty theft.” He left this life after passing the admissions test for the Bronx High School of Science. Of his former associates he later said: “They were all reading the funnies while I was trying to dig Darwin and Marx.” [30]

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

Carmichael attended Howard University and as a freshman in 1961 began participating in integrated bus tours through southern states—a challenge to prohibitions against white and black riders traveling together on interstate bus routes. On the first such tour he was jailed for 49 days for stepping into a segregated “whites only” bus stop. He continued his collegiate participation in civil rights demonstrations and acts of civil disobedience against segregation until graduating in 1964, and in 1965 Carmichael joined the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) as a field organizer assigned to registering voters in Lowndes County, Alabama. [31]

Within a year he had boosted African American voter registrations from 70 to 2,600, exceeding by 300 the number of white voters registered in the county. Frustrated because neither the Democrats nor Republicans engaged enough with his new registered voters, he created a separate political party: the Lowndes County Freedom Organization. According to the History Channel: “To satisfy a requirement that all political parties have an official logo, he chose a black panther, which later provided the inspiration for the Black Panthers (a different black activist organization founded in Oakland, California).” [32]

Originally a close ally of Martin Luther King, Jr. and a practitioner of King’s strategy of nonviolent civil disobedience, Carmichael was arrested dozens of times, once commenting that he had stopped counting after his 32nd incarceration. “The young Mr. Carmichael was radicalized by his experiences working in the segregated South, where peaceful protesters were beaten, brutalized and sometimes killed for seeking the ordinary rights of citizens,” said his New York Times obituary in 1998. “He once recalled watching from his hotel room in a little Alabama town while nonviolent black demonstrators were beaten and shocked with cattle prods by the police. Horrified, he said that he screamed and could not stop.” [33]

Black Power Speech and Renouncing Nonviolence

Carmichael was elected national chair of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in May 1966. But according to the History Channel he was by this time rethinking nonviolence, having become “frustrated” with watching activists enduring “repeated acts of violence and humiliation at the hands of white police officers without recourse.” [34]

While Martin Luther King, Jr, according to a 2014 public radio profile of Carmichael, had believed “the sight of protesters accepting beatings, dog bites and fire-hosing would soften America’s heart and inspire the country to reject segregation,” Carmichael had given this up after “seeing so many of his comrades maimed and killed.” Carmichael said of King that “he only made one fallacious assumption: In order for nonviolence to work, your opponent has to have a conscience. The United States has no conscience.” [35]

A year later in the pages of Black Power, he and Charles V. Hamilton explained their beliefs regarding non-violence:[36]

A key phrase in our buffer-zone days was non-violence. For years it has been thought that black people would not literally fight for their lives. Why this has been so is not entirely clear; neither the larger society nor black people are noted for passivity. The notion apparently stems from the years of marches and demonstrations and sit-ins where black people did not strike back and the violence always came from white mobs. There are many who still sincerely believe in that approach. From our viewpoint, rampaging white mobs and white night-riders must be made to understand that their days of free head-whipping are over. Black people should and must fight back. Nothing more quickly repels someone bent on destroying you than the unequivocal message: “O.K., fool, make your move, and run the same risk I run—of dying.” [37]

In June 1966, a few weeks after Carmichael had taken over as SNCC chair, James Meredith—the first African American to attend the University of Mississippi—was shot and severely wounded in Mississippi while conducting a “Walk Against Fear” from Memphis, Tennessee, to Jackson, Mississippi. Carmichael and the SNCC picked up the march where Meredith had left off. Finishing a day of marching to set up camp at Greenwood, Mississippi, Carmichael was arrested by local authorities, posted bond and returned to address his group. [38]

According to the New York Times, what happened next was this:[39]

“This is the 27th time,” he said in disgust after his release. “We been saying ‘Freedom’ for six years,” he continued, referring to the chant that movement protesters used as they stood up to racist politicians and hostile policemen pointing water hoses and unleashing snarling dogs. “What we are going to start saying now is ‘Black Power!’”

The crowd quickly took up the phrase. ”Black Power!” it repeated in a cry that would soon be echoed in communities from Oakland to Newark. [40]

But while the Times said this “galvanized many young blacks,” it also “troubled others, who thought it sounded anti-white, provocative and violent,” and “struck fear into many whites.” Donations to civil rights groups declined and the slogan was derided by Martin Luther King, Jr., as “an unfortunate choice of words.” A National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) official said Carmichael had advocated “the raging of race against race,” and the director of the National Urban League observed “Sure they’ll shout ‘black power,’ but why doesn’t the mass media find out how many of those people will follow those leaders to a separate state or back to Africa?”[41]

Carmichael’s description of his meaning become more strident in the year or so afterward. “When you talk of black power,” he said to some audiences, “you talk of building a movement that will smash everything Western civilization has created.” In 1967 he visited Communist North Vietnam, Communist China, and Communist Cuba, telling an audience in Havana: “We are preparing groups of urban guerrillas for our defense in the cities. It is going to be a fight to the death.” His Black Power co-author, Charles V. Hamilton, said the slogan had begun to be associated “with riots and guns and ‘burn, baby, burn.’” [42]

According to the New York Times: “In 1967 a declining SNCC severed all ties with [Carmichael].” [43]

Black Nationalism

After breaking with the SNCC in mid-1967, following his year as national chair, the Washington Post reports Carmichael spent “about a year” affiliated with the Black Panther Party “before a split developed there, too.” [44] The Black Panthers were originally a revolutionary black nationalist communist movement that—at the time of Carmichael’s arrival—were transitioning to becoming a revolutionary communist internationalist organization willing to affiliate and work with non-black communist revolutionaries, such as Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). [45]

Carmichael’s sympathies with the black nationalism of the original Black Panthers, and antagonism with the new direction, led to his quick departure from the role he characterized as that of an “honorary prime minister.” A significant break had already occurred sometime before July 1969, when he issued a public statement to the Washington Post denouncing the Black Panther Party for associating with “white radicals” [likely a reference to the Panthers’ association with SDS] and becoming a “tool of racist imperialists.” [46]

Three months earlier, in the spring of 1969, having already spent time in West Africa, he announced he was permanently relocating to Guinea. [47] Stating in a departure message that “America does not belong to the blacks,” he focused for the rest of his life on the cause of pan-African unity. [48]

He also changed his name to Kwame Ture, after his host, authoritarian Guinean president Sekou Toure, and Kwame Nkrumah, the exiled president of Ghana then living in Guinea. [49] Both African presidents had been recipients of the Lenin Prize (formerly the Stalin Prize), an award given by the former Soviet Union to (mostly) international figures who advanced the interests of the Soviet Union and communism. [50] [51] Carmichael also praised another Lenin Prize recipient in the “Afterward” to the 1992 edition of Black Power, where he referred to the “great Fidel Castro.” [52]

FBI Harassment

Carmichael was one of many prominent targets of the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Counterintelligence Program (COINTELPRO), the often illegal and unconstitutional surveillance and harassment of politically controversial Americans that was conducted during the era of former FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. An internal FBI memo from 1968 states the Bureau believed this program may have caused Carmichael to flee to Africa. Among other constitutional and legal concerns, the civil rights abuses under COINTELPRO made it difficult—and likely impossible—for the U.S. government to successfully prosecute members of the Weather Underground domestic terrorist organization that had claimed credit for planting at least a dozen bombs at sites such as the Pentagon and U.S. Capitol. [53] [54]

As part of its harassment of Carmichael, the FBI attempted to exacerbate disagreements already taking place between him and members of the Black Panther Party. A memo sent from the FBI office in New York City to FBI headquarters in Washington recounts a September 1968 “pretext call” made by a Bureau agent to Carmichael’s mother, in which the law enforcement official pretended to be someone else and warned Ms. Carmichael that members of the Black Panthers were plotting to murder her son. Though the allegation of an assassination plot was likely a fabrication by the FBI, the law enforcement memo states the call “shocked” Ms. Carmichael. [55]

A 1975 Congressional examination of the incident states the FBI believed the phone call frightening his mother “had been responsible for Carmichael’s flight to Africa the following day.” [56] The following spring Stokely Carmichael (Kwame True) publicly announced he would be permanently relocating to Guinea. [57]

Also, as part of the FBI disinformation campaign, federal law enforcement spread rumors that Carmichael was an agent of the Central Intelligence Agency and the supposed recipient of riches, women, and special draft status in exchange for his alleged spying on behalf of the US government. [58]

Shortly before dying of prostate cancer in 1998, Carmichael told interviewers the FBI was responsible for giving him the disease. A Washington Post report on this claim noted “he is convinced [the cancer] was visited on him by the FBI, though he cannot say how.” [59]

References

  1. Kaufman, Michael T. “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined ‘Black Power,’ Dies at 57.” New York Times. November 16, 1998. Accessed October 7, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/stokely-carmichael-rights-leader-who-coined-black-power-dies-at-57.html ^
  2. Kaufman, Michael T. “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined ‘Black Power,’ Dies at 57.” New York Times. November 16, 1998. Accessed October 7, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/stokely-carmichael-rights-leader-who-coined-black-power-dies-at-57.html ^
  3. “Stokely Carmichael.” History.com. December 18, 2019. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/stokely-carmichael ^
  4. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  5. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  6. Kaufman, Michael T. “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined ‘Black Power,’ Dies at 57.” New York Times. November 16, 1998. Accessed October 7, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/stokely-carmichael-rights-leader-who-coined-black-power-dies-at-57.html ^
  7. Kaufman, Michael T. “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined ‘Black Power,’ Dies at 57.” New York Times. November 16, 1998. Accessed October 7, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/stokely-carmichael-rights-leader-who-coined-black-power-dies-at-57.html ^
  8. “Stokely Carmichael.” History.com. December 18, 2019. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/stokely-carmichael ^
  9. “FBI Oversight: Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Civil and Constitutional Rights.” Committee on the Judiciary of the U.S. House of Representatives, 94th Congress. US Government Printing Office: Washington, DC. 1976. Accessed from the original October 8, 2019. https://books.google.com/books?id=mWRFAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA432&lpg=PA432&dq=%22a+pretext+phone+call%22+%22stokely%22&source=bl&ots=XKyMpTEtNd&sig=ACfU3U0rnyidLREk1wcBhCfcDnEuADDobA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwinh87S-oDlAhUQHqwKHfB8DWkQ6AEwAXoECAkQAQ#v=onepage&q=%22a%20pretext%20phone%20call%22%20%22stokely%22&f=false ^
  10. Kaufman, Michael T. “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined ‘Black Power,’ Dies at 57.” New York Times. November 16, 1998. Accessed October 7, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/stokely-carmichael-rights-leader-who-coined-black-power-dies-at-57.html ^
  11. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  12. “Stokely Carmichael.” History.com. December 18, 2019. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/stokely-carmichael ^
  13. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  14. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  15. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  16. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  17. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  18. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  19. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  20. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  21. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  22. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  23. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  24. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  25. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  26. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  27. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  28. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
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  31. “Stokely Carmichael.” History.com. December 18, 2019. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/stokely-carmichael ^
  32. “Stokely Carmichael.” History.com. December 18, 2019. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/stokely-carmichael ^
  33. Kaufman, Michael T. “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined ‘Black Power,’ Dies at 57.” New York Times. November 16, 1998. Accessed October 7, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/stokely-carmichael-rights-leader-who-coined-black-power-dies-at-57.html ^
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  35. Bates, Karen Grigsby. “Stokely Carmichael, A Philosopher Behind The Black Power Movement.” New Hampshire Public Radio. March 10, 2014. Accessed October 7, 2019. https://www.nhpr.org/post/stokely-carmichael-philosopher-behind-black-power-movement#stream/0 ^
  36. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  37. True, Kwame; and Charles V. Hamilton. “Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.” New York: Vintage Books. 1992. Accessed October 4, 2019. https://mygaryislike.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/black-power-kwame-ture-and-charles-hamilton.pdf ^
  38. Span, Paula. “The Undying Revolutionary: As Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for Black Power. Now Kwame Ture’s Fighting For His Life.” The Washington Post. April 8, 1998. Accessed October 7, 2019. http://www.interchange.org/KwameTure/washpoststory.html ^
  39. Kaufman, Michael T. “Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined ‘Black Power,’ Dies at 57.” New York Times. November 16, 1998. Accessed October 7, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/1998/11/16/us/stokely-carmichael-rights-leader-who-coined-black-power-dies-at-57.html ^
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